The Gambia: Citizenship and Civic Consciousness

Citizens are an important component of national development enterprise. This is because citizenship is crucial to the promotion of nationhood. But being a citizen alone means very little if it does not come with certain responsibilities and civic consciousness. Through the historical lens of The Gambia, this paper argues, an understanding of citizenship and civic consciousness is necessary for sustained national development. It draws an interrelation among these concepts. Therefore, supports for responsible citizenship through education and emphasizes education’s role in attaining national development. Also, this paper refers to primary and secondary sources. It uses oral interviews, content analysis of government publications, academic journals, books, and media reports to provide context to the paper. The article suggests some viable strategies for sustainable national development in The Gambia such as free and fair election, informed citizenry, visionary leadership and vibrant civil society organizations.

under their supervision. The colonial government divided the Protectorate into five divisions, with a total number of thirty-five districts. 6 A traditional ruler, called chief, who received directives from the governor in Bathurst through Travelling Commissioners, led each of these districts. 7 People within the Colony enjoyed constitutional privileges. The colonial system deprived the Protectorate of such privileges. The absence of necessities, for instance, had kept them in a state of retrogression and underdevelopment.
From broad analysis of the British indirect rule system in The Gambia presupposed, these chiefs would serve as a ready instrument for the realization of Britain's underlying aim. The chiefs facilitated the process of tax collection, which was a major characteristic of British economic model. As a result, they served as collaborators and agents of colonialism. Britain would not have colonized the area that became known as the Gambia without underlying interests. Was it because of its agricultural potential which allowed for production of peanut as cash crop or was it because of cheap labor services readily gained from the Protectorates?
Further, the British administration ensured that the Protectorate concentrated on the production of peanuts as a cash crop, while it denied them of universal education. The lesson drawn from this scenario is that when educational empowerment of people is not available; it limits their level of consciousness. Thus, the indigenous people's potential for agitation against colonial rule was limited.
By implication, colonial exploitation operated under a freer atmosphere. Although independence provided a change in governance, most parts of the administrative legal system remained. The British monarch remqined the head of state, represented by the governor-general, who was a native of The Gambia. Contrarily, the elected Gambian Prime Minister became head of government. This republican statehood in 1970, however, replaced the Independence Constitution that provided the monarchical form of government with a presidential system that abolished the positions of the governor-general and the prime minister. 8 Despite this development, there was no direct election of the president until 1982.
Following a coup d'état in 1994, the military suspended the constitution and superseded it with a degree until 1996, when a new constitution was promulgated, giving rise to another republican Constitution of 1997.

Politics of Citizenship
Citizenship might mean different things to different people because multiple factors shaped perceptions.
Every country in the world has its own policies, principles, and legislation on citizenship. It becomes clear from the onset that citizenship carries with it a host of privileges. Literally, it means a legal status of being a citizen of a country. Technically, "citizenship typically refers to the relationship between the individual and the community, or nation". 9 Gambians under colonial rule had different rights to citizenship, which was applied differently. We can examine the question of citizenship from two dimensions during colonial Gambia. First, the people living in the Colony area and its surroundings and second, people of the Protectorate were protected persons of the British, which make them subjects. The status of citizenship was clarified in The British Nationality Act of 1948, which stated that persons born in the Colony were "citizens of the UK and colonies" (CUKCs), 10 whereas those born in the Protectorate were referred to as the "British protected persons (BPPs)." 11 That said, not everybody in the Colony enjoyed equal rights. Specifically, before 1960, the protectorates were disenfranchised. The 1960 Constitution thus approved equal adult suffrage for all without gender discrimination. 12 Because it restricted them in exercising their political rights, these subjects were not entitled to vote or be elected to electoral positions. In Bathurst, people enjoyed certain rights and privileges, whereas indigenous people in the hinterland were deprived.
For instance, in the Colony, people could form political parties and involve in political activities. They could partake in elections (to vote or be voted for). But women could only enjoy these political rights if they owned property and were twenty-five years or older. This illustrates the significance of economic and political status, which reflects one's position in society. It also shows the discriminative and exploitative nature of the British administration. As in elsewhere in Africa, this constitution deprived women of their political, social, and economic privileges and rights. Sometimes, women were subdued through harsh policies. But African women in British West Africa (Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, and The Gambia) had also revolted against the system despite the colonial, antagonistic environment. They defended themselves through collective action, as with market women associations, such as kafoolu and kompins. 13 During British colonial rule, citizenship existed but was also absent. It would seem that what colonialism brought along or introduced was based on binaries and dichotomies. These dynamics of citizenship politics were dualism in the country: Colony versus Protectorate, civilization/modernity as opposed to the primitive, educated in opposition to uneducated, rural, and urban division, among other discriminatory patterns and practices. A Gambian nationalist leader, Edward Francis Small, challenged the colonial government. He made concerted efforts in organizing farmers to enhance their income. He sought overseas buyers for their products, but their conditions remained poor and unattended to by the Gambia government. Through the Gambia Marketing Board, later changed to the Gambia Farmers' Co-operative Marketing Association (GFCMA), Small traveled to Europe seeking buyers. He aimed to create a fair-trading relationship between farmers rather than continue trading with Unilever, that appeared to be exploitative. 14 This exploitation and mental control later created far more consequences.
Ethnicity and regionalism, for example, were cultivated and promoted for political ends, consequently precipitating a huge divide between the urban and rural areas. British officials purposefully created political fragmentation by encouraging regional political identities under the Protectorate system.
Another significant difference was the availability of social services in the city. These include education, health services, the consumer marketplace, and the modern court system. Such social facilities were mostly available in Bathurst, as the impact of education was also profound in the urban area. Because of this relatively unequal parallel of development, the city produced more educated people. It is safe to conclude from the foregoing that some of these elites replaced the colonial masters  15 The country was hugely in debt. By 1985, the indebtedness escalated to over two thousand million dalasis. 16 Considering the debt relative to the size of the fragile economy, this amount was substantial. As a result, The Gambia's creditors refused to provide new loans unless it settled the old loans.
The country's economic and financial situation deteriorated significantly. The economic crisis was further exacerbated by fiscal and structural areas. As exports remained relatively stagnant, the deficit was growing exponentially. Therefore, life became unbearable for average citizens, while government increased direct and indirect taxations. The PPP government's attempt to diversify the economy failed as market prices increased. Based on this reason, the Gambian government was ready to do anything to postpone its economic collapse. 17 The then IMF got involved, bringing recommendations, among which was the restructuring of the economy so that the government would have money to service its debts. The government agreed to retrench workers, sell its assets, cut down on expenditure of services to the people, and introduced cost recovery, such as incremental increases in school fees and medical charges. Instead of the government collecting revenue from the people to address their needs, it was busy collecting taxes to pay for loans, which had no significant benefit to the people.
The Gambia's lack of visionary leadership and readiness to forge ahead probably accounted for its poverty. For most part, as Frantz Fanon put it, nationalist parties in Africa later failed to pursue what they claim to stand strictly for as independence became an event rather than a continuous struggle for national development. Some have no economic programs that could ease poverty due to lack of capacity and completely ignorant of economy of the country. 18 Because of unavailability of proper civic education for the citizenry, that affected civic consciousness, the economy has always generated outside the limits of their knowledge. Many African politicians have relied on book knowledge instead of innovating a path to transform potential resources of their countries. Hence, economic conditions remained, leading to deplorable stagnation. The Gambia depends on agriculture without diversification of that sector. 19 That, the government focuses on the peanut production; the same methods of agricultural production that characterized colonial era. Considering that, the Gambia government has established no industry or empower artisans to enhance local industry such a weaving or pottery. For example, the state also failed to start a parallel industrial model. Because of leaders' incapacity to think or proffer solution to societal problems, Gambian farmers are among the poorest whose produce could barely feed them all year round, despite selling their harvest peanuts to the government. Instead, the country was a ready consumer nation with everything imported, including rice and legumes. The intellectual know-how that was lacking in the system escalated the situation, combined with a lack of initiative and proper planning.
Many scholars have added their voices to the literature to explain Africa's underdevelopment after independence. These scholars include Walter Rodney, Redie Bereketeab, Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah, Aime Cesaire and Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni. The dominant discourse centered on inequality of (neo-) colonialism simultaneously highlights that African states in the postcolonial era inherited the colonial structure, while most leaders failed to get involved in radical transformation. 20 Instead, they maintained colonial-designed structures, which eventually stopped to serve the aspirations and the needs of newly independent African states. 21 For example, the post-independence period was expected to be an era of deconstruction and reconstruction. 22 Per that intention, the newly independent states were to replace the colonial systems with a new, functional, and sustained a system of institutions, power relations, and a common value system. For many reasons, there was no systematic change of the colonial structures and institutions, despite efforts made by the nationalist leaders. Redie Bereketeab asserts that the post-colonial states were reconstructed on the old structure of colonialism, rather than building supra-ethnic national identity, socio-economic, and national institutions, 23 therefore leading to a failure of reconstruction of new African nations representing aspirations of the continent. To Bereketeab, multi-linguistic, multicultural, and religious societies inherited from colonialism were a challenge for nationalist leaders who were looking for mechanisms and policies to create an integrated, coherent, and viable nation despite the existing diversity. 24 But Walter Rodney explains that Africa's underdevelopment is not an absence of development; rather, he suggests that "African development is possible only based on a radical break with internationalist capitalist system." Another source of failure in postcolonial Africa was the low level of civic consciousness of the people; the state failed to provide an education that would make people politically aware and feel empowered.
In this way, people would have become more engaged citizens, and would have built a more civic society. But mobilization at independence stopped at the celebration and did not translate into organized societies that would create civic-minded populations who would have been committed to service based on loyalty and honesty to the state, rather than loyalty to personality and party, which eventually engulfed most parts of Africa. Instead of producing more informed citizens, politically effective and fully liberated, lack of purpose and essence appeared to characterize the masses. To portray lack of preparedness and unwillingness to cut the umbilical cord with the former colonial masters, some Africa leaders advocated for reinforcement of such relationship.  27 It affirms the principle that all power derives from the sovereign will of the Gambians in the decision-making process.
Since independence, The Gambia's economy has remained relatively the same. Because of a lack of proper development planning, the state institutions remain weak, interfering with leaders and noncompliance with citizens. Likewise, the educational system has underperformed in knowledge production, innovation, and invention of new ideas to address societal problems. Almost in all sectors, for example, no serious change has taken place, or as necessary initiatives to drive the country towards national development. Both Presidents Jawara and Jammeh's governments failed to put sustainable measures in place to address problems in various sectors, which prevented the country from being self-sustaining. For most parts of the country, there was an emergence of a new class of elites. Their description perfectly fit Fanon's projection of the petite bourgeoisie class. Most of these elites would rather spend large amounts of money on landed properties, cars, and houses-sometimes marrying multiple women-than fight for a collective good problem that would ease poverty of the masses.

Correlation of Citizenship and Civic Consciousness
Citizenship is essential to African politics. The level of a citizen's civic consciousness dictates the degree to which of (s)he takes part in politics. Basically, consciousness means a state in which one is aware of oneself and one's situation. Therefore, civic consciousness is community members having knowledge of their existence as a people with a common sense of belonging. Every nation has within its territory persons who owe allegiance to it, who have a stake in its existence, and to whom the nation owes some obligations, which are usually embedded in the constitution. It aptly captured this idea as a status given to those who are members of a society. 28 Those who gain the status were equal regarding the rights and duties with which the status is endowed. Civic education is referred to as "the acquisition of knowledge, skills, and dispositions that are needed for effective and responsible citizenship in a democratic society." 29 Civic consciousness means citizens recognizing their own rights and duties. We may also see consciousness at different degrees of understanding. 30  Citizens' legal consciousness is how a citizen should know, understand, and observe the laws so that they act within the ambit of the law. They should know their legal system, as obeying and respecting the law is a civic responsibility. However, testifying in open court is a civic responsibility but one also has a personal responsibility to obey and respect the law and to "do the right thing." Moral consciousness has to do with family virtues, professional, social-morality, and individual integrity, as well as ecological consciousness that has to do with environmental protection. Civil rights are those that are specified in a constitution, or in specific laws. 32 Citizenship entails responsibilities, and citizens perform their duties in a state as in expression of their civic responsibilities. Some of these duties include regular payment of taxes and participation in the national army when necessary. Other responsibilities include preservation of other citizens' rights to personal safety, security and prosperity, service in the judicial system with a view for the common good of all, and respect for the laws of the state.
Regarding citizenship, obligation 33 involves a moral consideration both in exercising the rights of citizenship and in discharging the duty to serve the state. A citizen who has a voting right, for instance, has a moral obligation to exercise that right during elections. Failure to do this may lead to the election of the wrong people into public office. It is the duty of a government to make laws which are in tune with fundamental needs and aspirations of the people. Otherwise, if a government does not serve the best interest of the people, they bound it to provoke a negative reaction from them. As a last resort, it may be necessary for citizens to follow their conscience and withdraw their loyalty to the state. 34 As discussed below, the people's perception of development and civic consciousness varied, as some opinions focus on political education as the basis for ideal citizenry.

Importance of Civic Consciousness
Although civic consciousness has raised a lot of questions, some individuals believe it is a prerequisite for national development. While others claim that the level of consciousness will always influence the informed decision or choice made by citizens, as consciousness is based on reason and not mere sentiment. To answer some of these questions, we interviewed multiple experts for this study. How can one claim to be a citizen when he or she cannot play his or her role in society? This is one of many questions answered by Ali Dukuray, a community leader. "Whatever one intends to do, the first thing is that it must be based on knowledge. Whatever you intend to do without the requisite knowledge, it will bring destruction." 35  Further, no society can advance when its citizens are lawless, hostile, intolerant, dishonest, uncooperative, and destructive. Rather, the society desires an atmosphere of discipline, security, peace, unity, and tolerance to plan and execute development projects. The greatest contribution the society expects the youths to make is to show a high level of civic responsibility. This is one way they can make the country to be proud of them. First, civic consciousness, enhances individual citizens and groups to pursue their diverse interests based on the common good. Second, it encourages critical debate and reflection on progressive politics and tolerance among people. Next, civic consciousness promotes active involvement of people in collective decision making in their own local communities.
In addition, civic consciousness provides that the civil society plays an active role in setting priorities and making the needs of the most vulnerable people in society known.
The Constitution of The Gambia has mandated the National Council for Civic Education (NCCE) to embark on citizenship engagement. 37 As a nonpartisan institution, it aims to serve and inform citizenry to realize their civic duties and general principles of good governance, democracy, and human rights. Some interviewees are of the view that the institution appears to be weak and, hence, unable to carry out most of its duties. According to Ibrahim Juwara, a university student, noted that the NCCE is under-funded by the government, consequently affecting this body to execute its mandate of civic education across the country. To him, "what I believe should happen is that they should have offices and staff across the whole seven administrative areas of the country with their staff coming from each administrative area and working in those areas." 38 This will enhance the institution's easy access and staff's movement to every village or town in the country and sensitize the people about their rights, duties, and responsibilities as sovereign citizens. Those staff from the Local Administrative Areas understand the language, culture, tradition and beliefs in their areas and they can easily sensitize them on matters of state, culture, education, women's and children's rights and all other issues affecting society. 39 Interviewees highlighted many challenges as being responsible for the low performance of NCCE.
They identified lack of substantial knowledge and training of constitution as a key problem. It was, however, suggested that the government must fully train the staff of the NCCE and have background knowledge on the subjects they are to discuss with the local people. They must especially have a deep understanding of the constitution and other relevant matters. The employees of the NCCE must be fully independent in carrying out their duties as dictated by law so that they can be free from pressure by the incumbent government. According to these interviewees, once the NCCE has substantial funds to execute their mandate and have enough staff, offices, and logistics across all the administrative areas to reach out to every village and town at least twice every month, and citizens well sensitized and informed, such a population (citizens) would have a duty to elect good, responsible, conscious, and pragmatic leaders to manage the affairs of the country.
Some interviewees, including Musa Sannoh, a lecturer in economics, Kaddy Dibba a civil servant, and Juwara asserted that an informed citizen is more likely to refrain from troubles such as fighting, and such individual can understand the right approach to take whenever problems occur. There a consensus was that the government has the leading role to play to improve civic consciousness of the people by incorporating civic education in school curriculum. They suggested that the Civil Society Organizations (CSO) must also play a part by intensifying radio shows on civic education in national languages. The interviewees further stated that when people learn the importance of being sovereign and patriotism, they will take part in the country's defense and security. Such actions have to be nurtured right from primary schools to tertiary institutions, so that one can be well-informed and become a conscious of what is expected from an individual as a good citizen of the nation. Sannoh placed more emphasis on: Religious and traditional leaders should be sensitized on the importance of sovereignty, the rights of individuals, minorities and all other people within the society or country as many of the local people in the rural areas listen or adhere to the teachings or advise of their religious and traditional leaders. If religious and traditional leaders are well-grounded and understand civic consciousness, they will be easily able to transmit the message to their congregation. 40 to see that the Jammeh government reverse its position. In addition, civic consciousness encourages and drives citizens to be independent members of society, such as self-discipline, adhering voluntarily to self-imposed standards of behavior rather than requiring the imposition of foreign controls. It fosters respect for individual worth and human dignity, such as recognition of the rights of others. This also means tolerance for divergent views and joining associations.
Another importance of civic consciousness is the promotion of free and fair elections. This was reiterated by Dukuray when he stated that: The main reason for election is to elect a President and Members of Parliament to work on our behalf.
The meaning of electing people is to serve the national interests. Those people we voted for should serve our interest and work not only on behalf of his or her constituent but also the country. There are many political parties in the country, but people must vote based on the ideologies, policies and programs of the party that come with the best policies and programs. After fifty-six years of independence, our country is still in the same situation. We must ask ourselves what caused this. The answer to that is we faiedl to vote for good, committed, trustworthy leaders to manage our affairs. 43 He further noted that "most people usually vote based on ethnic and other reasons and not question their competence, credibility, and integrity. We also fail to listen to the best policies and programs. The leaders we vote for are not interested in our well-being but power, self-interest, and self-enrichment.
What preoccupies them is to enrich themselves and their families while the entire country suffers. They are not interested in any human development. For many of them, government service means self-enrichment, not service to the people. After a few years, they become rich because of the loans and grants they took on behalf of the country while everyone else is suffering" 44 Nevertheless, civic consciousness inclines the citizen to public affairs, such as attentiveness to public affairs, civic-mindedness, and patriotism. It facilitates thoughtful and effective participation in public affairs, such as civility, respect for law, honesty, courage, persistence, and a willingness to negotiate and compromise. While schools must play a role in the overall development of the character of students, the primary responsibility for the development of ethical behavior and private character, including moral character, remains with families, and religious institutions and the larger society. This shows that society values and respects diversity among people. "If we do not change the system, our country will still be in the same position for years to come. If we truly want change, we must fight corruption and nepotism, refrain from appointing family and friends in a government position while they lack the knowledge and experience to serve the best interest of the nation," Dukuray warned.
Considering that, Nkrumah was explicit and apt to say that: Africa needs a new type of citizen: a dedicated, modest, honest, informed man and woman who submerged self in service to the nation and mankind. A man and woman who abhor greed and detest vanity. A new type of man and woman whose humility is his and her strength and whose integrity is his and her greatness. 45

Conclusion
The paper explores that the state's failure to improve the lives of the citizens was because of the absence of proper civic education for the citizenry and the British colonial model that was inherited after independence. Citizenship is about nationalism and patriotism, and The Gambia requires new and conscious citizens who will stand and defend its integrity and be ready to serve the state and to promote good practices. It shows from the above discussion that citizenship and civic consciousness are essential for democracy and national development because they are an integral part of nationhood. The concept of citizenship has broadened from a national focus to a more global one. Every sovereign republic has a constitution that paves the way for the government in relation to its policies and programs. The article highlighted that, without citizenship and civic consciousness, national development cannot be attained.